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Last weekend, Americans celebrated the semiquincentennial of the signing of our nation’s Declaration of Independence. Anniversaries provide an opportunity for reflection.

What does it mean to be American? What is American history? What should we celebrate about America? The sociological subfield of “collective memory” helps us to understand how answers to these questions are social and contested.

The sociological subfield of collective memory examines how societies or groups construct and preserve shared narratives. Collective memory scholars contend that groups’ collective identities, memories, knowledge, and beliefs are transmitted to people through social institutions like education, physical culture like monuments, and group rituals. Individual memories and worldviews are shaped and sustained by our group affiliations.

There are many understandings of what it means to be an American. Enlightenment ideals are enshrined in the Declaration of Independence, including “unalienable Rights” that include “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” Others may celebrate the American Dream, principles of republicanism, participation in democratic elections, or take pride in the U.S. being a nation of immigrants.

Our understandings of what it means to be an American are a product of our institutional and group experiences. What it means to be an American is shaped by school curricula, displays in museums, public monuments, the mass and social media we consume, and the rituals of our families and friends.

Consider how we remember the American Civil War. Textbooks and instructors in grade school or college shaped what you know about the causes, significant events, and consequence of the conflict. Additionally, maybe you watched the popular Ken Burns miniseries, read books on the topic, or encountered information on social media. Social institutions shape our collective memory of the Civil War, just like all other historical events.

This can also be applied to modern happenings like the events on January 6, 2020. Will history record the events of that day as a protest or as an insurrection? Today, there are polarized interpretations of the event that are shaped, in large part, by one’s mass and social media consumption. It is likely that a “collective memory” of the what happened and its significance will coalesce over time.

Various groups often have disparate experiences of being an American. Black and White Americans experienced the American Civil Rights Movement differently. Wealthy and poor Americans had different experiences in the Great Recession. Democrats and Republicans are having different experiences during President Trump’s tenure. These groups’ collective memories shape how they understand America and its history.

History is contested. There are always a variety of views on what should be included and excluded. Groups in positions of institutional power in government, media, religion, and education try to control the dominant narrative of events. Though there are many unique experiences of our reality, only some stories or perspectives get recorded. Institutionally, certain perspectives are enshrined in our history books, museums, and our collective memory.

Culture wars over school curricula, monuments in our communities, the imagery on our currency, and displays in museums are contentious and politically charged. In recent decades, these debates have become increasingly partisan. These are battles over who gets to shape our collective memory.

Changes in our media climate have democratized knowledge production, for better or for worse. In the past, culture industries defined our official narratives through news, books, and mass media programming. Walter Cronkite would declare, “And that’s the way it is.” Today, anyone with a social media account can tell their story. The plurality of voices sharing their perspectives has expanded exponentially. These voices in the virtual public square shape our collective memory.

Our collective memory of America and its history is a social phenomenon. Americans from different walks of life may have different understandings of America and its history. Our collective memory is contested and evolving. It is likely that our grandchildren will likely have a very different understanding of America than we do today.

Roscoe Scarborough, Ph.D. is chair of the Department of Social Sciences and associate professor of sociology at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at rscarborough@ccga.edu.

Have you ever been to a concert or a college football game and felt the electricity that comes from being part of the crowd? That’s “collective effervescence,” a term coined by the sociologist Émile Durkheim more than a century ago. The concept can help us to understand religion, teen takeovers, or why people love live music.

My colleague Dr. Heather Farley’s column on the arts from last week provided inspiration for today’s column. Dr. Farley reflected on going to see the Coastal Symphony of Georgia at CCGA’s new Center for the Arts. She wrote “…what stuck with me was the shared experience of it all… There was a buzz in the building that’s hard to define… There is something unique about sitting in a room with other people and experiencing art together.” That buzz is collective effervescence.

When members of a likeminded group come together, maintain a common focus, and participate in some shared action, collective effervescence often occurs. Sociologist Émile Durkheim discusses the concept in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Durkheim notes that groups often gather for rituals that focus on a totem—a symbol that represents the shared values of the collective. Sacred group rituals produce emotional energy, a loss of individuality, feelings of belonging, and reaffirmations of shared identity. Collective effervescence is a foundational mechanism of group solidarity. Durkheim was writing about Aboriginal groups, but collective effervescence occurs among secular groups as well.

Durkheim claims that collective effervescence is likely to emerge in rituals that are sacred to the group, but collective effervescence is less likely to occur in profane or instrumental actions like work or cleaning. Sacred activities are “things set apart and forbidden,” while profane activities involve mundane, individual, or instrumental behaviors.

Consider collective effervescence among Georgia (football) fans. Gamedays are sacred. There is no shortage of group rituals, including gathering with other Georgia fans, wearing red and black, Calling the Dawgs, drinking, and eating gameday foods. When a true fan takes their pilgrimage to Sanford Stadium, rituals including the Dawg Walk, ringing of the chapel bell, and other traditions. These rituals leave participants with an emotional charge that reaffirms one’s commitment to the team and to the university. Every fandom has its own sacred rituals that produce collective effervescence.

Collective effervesce also emerges in protests, riots, and teen takeovers. The concept explains how otherwise rational and well-adjusted people can engage in unruly behavior in these group settings.

A quarter century ago, Robert Putnam said that Americans were “bowling alone.” Now, we are “scrolling alone.” Modern technologies like smart phones and social media give us the illusion of deep connection and intimacy, while depriving us of rich relationships and community. Though we are more connected virtually than at any point in history, belonging has become scarce.

Americans have lost our “third place;” too few people have a place where they congregate with others outside of home and work. A church, a bar, a barber shop, a pickleball court, a local nonprofit, or a café can provide an anchor for community life. It might seem insignificant to not know your neighbors, but wholesale withdrawal from civic and social life leaves us ripe for poor mental health, substance abuse, or radicalization.

How did we get here? Modern technologies like the internet and smartphones play a central role, but there’s more going on. Religious participation has declined. Declining marriage rates, the rise of single parenthood, and more people living unpartnered all change how we socialize. Many Americans struggle economically; some work overtime, some take on a second job, and others cut back on recreation to afford necessities.

Most of us are missing out on the collective effervescence of the symphony, the congregation, the concert, or the protest. Too many lack a third place. We are deprived of opportunities to engage in shared rituals with likeminded people. The true cost is the loss of belonging.

Roscoe Scarborough, Ph.D. is chair of the Department of Social Sciences and associate professor of sociology at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at rscarborough@ccga.edu.

The social sciences, especially Sociology, have been caught up in the culture wars. Last month, the State University System of Florida Board of Governors removed Introductory Sociology from the list of courses that can count toward general-education requirements, relegating the course to an elective. The probable result will be fewer Sociology majors and fewer graduates entering helping professions in Florida.

Last week, my colleague, Dr. Heather Farley, wrote a column in this space discussing if today’s college majors will still matter in the job market of the future. The perennial concern about whether college graduates will be able to get a job with their degree is exacerbated by fears associated with artificial intelligence replacing jobs. Dr. Farley concluded that colleges must develop curricula that promise “preparation to think critically, solve problems, communicate clearly, lead teams, make ethical decisions and adapt when tools and markets change.”

The social sciences provide the opportunity to develop many skills or career competencies that employers desire, including critical thinking, oral and written communication, analytical reasoning, professionalism, and interpersonal skills. Social science majors challenge students to develop research skills, data literacy, perspective-taking, creativity, ethics, and social responsibility. These soft skills are conducive to both engaged citizenship and gainful employment, even in the age of AI.

College students often struggle to articulate how their classes and cocurricular activities yield marketable skills. To address this gap in my own Introductory Sociology class, I incorporate an assignment each semester that tasks students to identify skills or career competencies that are acquired in our class and link these to specific class activities. Students are forced to articulate how they are honing skills that will used in their intended career. Everyone can benefit from taking a social science class, but professors can do more to explicitly define the value of our courses for students’ professional and personal growth.

Training in the social sciences prepares people for a wide variety of careers, including working with children and families, counseling, social services, and research. Working with people is an obvious application of one’s social science training, but many social science graduates have careers in health care, education, criminal justice, and business.

The “Undergraduate Degree Earners Report” from the National Student Clearinghouse Research Center offers a window into college graduation trends nationally. Over the past decade, Psychology enrollment has increased, but enrollment has declined in other social science majors. From 2023-2024 to 2024-2025, enrollment in both Psychology and other social science disciplines increased.

There is strong enrollment in the social sciences at the College of Coastal Georgia. Psychology is the fourth largest major by enrollment with modest growth in recent years. The most popular minors at Coastal are Psychology (#1), Criminal Justice (#2), and Sociology (#3).

There is significant projected job growth in social science careers. According to Bureau of Labor Statistics projections, community and social service occupations are projected to grow much faster than the average for all occupations from 2024 to 2034. There is significant growth projected in a range of helping professions, including: social work; substance abuse, behavioral disorder, and mental health counselors; marriage and family therapists; and community health workers.

Artificial intelligence will impact a range of careers, including many helping professions. Generative AI may offer an individual helpful tips to deal with depression, but it is no substitute for a mental health professional. The future will reveal if any of our jobs are AI-proof. However, the skills developed in the social sciences hold promise to have enduring value in the job market of tomorrow. Also, there are expanding job opportunities in social science careers.

It appears that there is a bright future for the social sciences.

Roscoe Scarborough, Ph.D. is chair of the Department of Social Sciences and associate professor of sociology at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at rscarborough@ccga.edu.

As recently as 1990, 90% of Americans identified as Christian and 5% were religiously unaffiliated. Recent data show that less than two-thirds of Americans now identify as Christian and at least a quarter are religiously unaffiliated. This represents a seismic institutional shift in Americans’ religiosity in a few decades.  

Data from multiple sources offer insight on the state of religiosity in the United States. Gallup found that 68% of Americans identified as Christian in 2023. The General Social Survey found that 64% of Americans were Christian in 2022. Pew Research finds that 62% of all adults identified as Christian in 2023-24. All of these surveys estimate that about 7% of Americans practice Judaism, Islam, or other faiths.

The most significant change in our nation’s religiosity is an increasing percentage of Americans who are religiously unaffiliated. These are people who identify as atheist, agnostic, or having “no religion.” Recent estimates of religiously unaffiliated Americans vary: Gallup estimates 22%, the General Social Survey finds 27%, and Pew estimates 29%. By comparison, a mere 5% of Americans were religiously unaffiliated in 1990.

Younger Americans are far less religious than older Americans. Data from Pew shows that 83% of people born before 1954 identify with a religion. Conversely, only 57% of people born between 1995-2007 identify with a religion. Younger generations are less likely to pray daily, less likely say religion is very important, and less likely to attend religious services. Nationally, much of the decline in religiosity is due to less religious younger generations replacing more religious older generations over time.

Compounding this trend, Americans have become less religious as they have aged in recent decades. Gen Z and older Americans have experienced slight declines in religiosity over time, but Americans in middle adulthood—folks in their thirties and forties—have discarded religion at higher rates. Historically, changing one’s religious beliefs after thirty was rare.

Young people are less involved in formal religion, but retain high levels of spirituality. Pew data show that among 18- to 24-year-olds, only 27% report praying daily and only 25% attend religious services. Among this same age group, 82% believe that people have a soul or spirit and 71% believe that there is something spiritual beyond the natural world. There are only modest differences among young people and older generations on these questions.

Several factors contributed to the mass religious disaffiliation that began in the 1990s. Reasons for not practicing a religion vary: some Americans are disenchanted, others dislike organized religion, some are unsure of their faith, and others report being too busy to attend. There have been clergy scandals that led some to lose trust in religious institutions. There are increasing rates of religious intermarriage. Additionally, the association of Christianity with conservative policies has driven some liberals away from religion.

Declining religiosity might not reflect a shortcoming of organized religion or the leadership of any particular congregation. Rather, declining religiosity reflects Americans’ widespread withdrawal from civic and social institutions in recent decades. Empty church pews and unstaffed volunteer fire departments reflect a common issue—the erosion of community connections. Americans have shifted away from collective, in-person activities in favor of Netflix and doomscrolling. Americans are starved for connection and community, religious or secular.

After a precipitous decline in religiosity between 1990 and 2020, recent data suggest that religiosity has leveled off. The percentage of Americans who self-identify as Christian, attend religious services, and pray all show several years of post-pandemic stability as of 2023-24. Time will tell if this is a new normal. Future religiosity in the United States will by shaped by the practices of religious institutions, rates of interfaith marriages, patterns of immigration, legislation, fertility patterns across groups, and ever-evolving cultural attitudes toward religion.

Roscoe Scarborough, Ph.D. is chair of the Department of Social Sciences and associate professor of sociology at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at rscarborough@ccga.edu.